The White House has released a new strategy to confront the three epic challenges of our time. The plan is based on the assumption that America’s global leadership will be challenged by China, Russia, and other rising powers in the coming years.
The coronavirus white house is a term used to describe the many challenges that have been faced by the US government. The White House has recently announced their strategy for dealing with these challenges.
Biden’s term is up in three and a half years, but his senior advisers frequently talk about the sense of urgency he feels as president, given that the next year will almost certainly be dominated by midterm elections, which could strip the Democratic majorities in Congress that he needs to pass his agenda.
White House chief of staff Ron Klain has been emphasizing the crucial significance of the next weeks in recent West Wing meetings.
If Biden ever had a honeymoon phase — and there’s a strong case to be made that he didn’t after inheriting a raging worldwide epidemic — it’s gone at this stage in his administration.
The President has started taking a more confrontational position against Republicans and other opponents, both in the White House and on the campaign trail, on issues such as voting rights and the Afghanistan pullout.
The Trump administration has began an assault against vaccination misinformation, which it thinks is contributing to the spread of Covid among the unvaccinated, unintentionally igniting a spat with Facebook.
According to sources, Biden intends to concentrate in the coming weeks on popular aspects of a broad legislative program that hangs in the balance, in the hopes of swaying Americans in red-leaning regions.
Internal divisions continue among authorities in certain contentious areas, such as immigration and Covid reopening plans, with more discussion over the political implications of particular choices. And Biden’s proclivity for deviating from the script has pushed his staff into cleaning mode on many occasions so far.
Despite his efforts to restore some semblance of normality to the White House, Biden has now entered the realm of his predecessors: a time of uncertainty with events unfolding well outside the best-laid plans. The way he and his staff handle such events will have far-reaching consequences that go beyond a single bill or foreign policy decision.
They may, instead, decide his ability to manage a broad legislative agenda, shaky House and Senate majorities, and, to some extent, his whole first term.
There will be trouble coming.
The success of Biden’s presidency will be determined in the coming weeks, particularly whether the White House can maintain a bipartisan coalition on the first piece of his infrastructure plan and keep Democrats united on a broader package that would dramatically remake the nation’s social safety net by touching every aspect of American life.
But there are other forces forming that Biden’s advisers are keeping an eye on, mindful of their potential to derail or devour his agenda.
The problem of increasing Covid cases, which is being driven by the extremely infectious Delta form, has been ripping through communities with poor vaccination rates. According to statistics from Johns Hopkins University, the average number of new daily cases this week is up 66 percent from last week and 145 percent from two weeks ago, with cases increasing in 44 states. Furthermore, hospitalizations are up 26% from the previous week.
Officials are particularly concerned as border crossings increase, remembering Biden’s poor popularity ratings on immigration and the administration’s difficulty earlier this year when waves of migrants came at the border, overloading government services. The largest monthly number of migrants detained or turned away at the US-Mexico border in at least a decade was arrested or turned away by US border officials in June.
The two concerns have collided in talks about how and when to reopen US borders to travel, resulting in heated exchanges between officials about the health and political dangers of doing so too fast.
Biden and his staff claim that nothing about their present situation surprises them. They cite significant progress against the epidemic as well as a recovery in the economy as evidence of the President’s ability to lead the country out of its abyss.
“When he entered office, he highlighted four major concerns or crises for his presidency: health, the pandemic, climate change, and racial inequality,” said White House press secretary Jen Psaki on Tuesday. “Those are crises and difficulties that he will continue to devote his time to addressing and overcoming.”
Administration officials also think the dismal statistics portray a bleaker picture than reality in many places. Increasing Covid caseloads haven’t resulted in a comparable dramatic increase in hospitalizations or fatalities, but both are still on the rise among the unvaccinated.
While prices are increasing, raising concerns about inflation, administration officials have flatly denied that price rises are here to stay or that they pose a larger danger to the economy.
Officials said there was still a realization that a one-time counterattack against inflation assaults wasn’t having a significant impact. According to insiders, the issue had also begun to gain traction in polling, both publicly and privately, posing a threat to Biden’s broad legislative plans.
That was the driving force behind the White House’s decision to address inflation worries in advance of planned economic comments this week, remarks that attempted to turn the assault on its head by highlighting the design of Biden’s spending plans as a long-term salve against price volatility.
“If inflation is your main worry right now, you should be even more excited about our proposal,” Biden added.
Officials have said that they are keeping a close watch on the situation and are concentrating their efforts on easing supply-chain problems in the short term as well as setting the foundation for longer-term remedies.
Biden also said, “In recognition of the uncertainty at the core of economic statistics at this time,” “My government recognizes that long-term uncontrolled inflation would be a significant problem for our economy. So, although we’re sure that’s not what we’re seeing today, we’ll be on the lookout for any necessary responses.”
The agenda is being sold.
Officials say Biden’s job in the days and weeks ahead will be to sell the public on his most popular ideas. He has expressed a wish to avoid making the same error he did as vice president, when his suggestion to then-President Barack Obama to properly communicate his program went unheeded.
Internally, there is an understanding that specific aspects of Biden’s proposals, such as child and home care, education, and paid leave, poll well on their own. A focal point will be highlighting those components rather than a wide emphasis on the whole of what would be a revolutionary program.
It’s unclear if the President will succeed in reaching a bipartisan deal on infrastructure or police reform, but the White House is determined to demonstrate that he is making an effort. The White House has chosen Ohio as the location for a CNN town hall meeting on Wednesday, following in the footsteps of many previous Biden visits to redder-than-blue states.
Given the many difficulties confronting the White House, Bill Stearns, a Cincinnati lawyer, said the first months of the Biden administration had surpassed his expectations.
“It’s such a comfort to be able to wake up in the morning knowing that the country is in good hands,” Stearns said in an interview this week, reflecting on the previous six months. “Doing what he’s striving to do with the economy and trying to get out of the epidemic, I believe it’s even better than I anticipated.”
A salesmanship approach aligns with Biden’s stated goal to identify the most effective methods to communicate his ideas. In private sessions, he’s always asking advisors for the best way to explain why the ideas should be supported throughout the nation in layman’s terms, according to two officials.
That was evident when Obama justified his decision to leave Afghanistan earlier this month, arguing that no amount of continued American presence in the nation could address the country’s persistent issues.
Nonetheless, the outcome is often detailed and even long-winded comments. Biden has resorted to admitting this in real time, apologizing when he feels he’s going too deep into a topic or implicitly conceding that the finer points of tax or paid-leave policy may not excite the audience.
After a half-hour lecture on infrastructure in the Chicago suburbs, Biden remarked, “I realize that was a boring speech.” However, he immediately added a crucial point: “But it’s an essential speech.”
Aides doubt that the President can be swayed away from his detail-oriented approach, and many think that articulating why particular policies important to the general public is one of his strong suits. Nonetheless, according to individuals familiar with the preparations, efforts to concentrate the emphasis on certain aspects of the plan are expected to become a more prominent feature of his public appearances.
Behind the scenes, White House officials have been negotiating both the bipartisan infrastructure proposal and a more partisan budget measure as part of Biden’s legislative strategy. They’ve been working on converting the bipartisan framework into legislative language in recent days.
The White House has remained firm in its efforts, sources said, as Senate Democrats set a procedural vote this week as a deadline to help jump-start the negotiations — and as some progressive Democrats in both houses nervously cautioned of spending too much time in search of a final deal.
They see the agreement as a lynchpin for Biden’s entire agenda: it’s essential to achieving a big bipartisan victory, which he desperately needs, while also supplying a key ingredient that moderate Democrats have said they need to support the second plan.
Returning to the path
Biden’s problems in Congress stem from Democrats’ tight majority in both houses, which Democrats worry may be jeopardized if the present turmoil continues into the November election season. Biden, whose own campaign was disrupted by the epidemic last year, will begin in-person campaigning this week when he stumps in Northern Virginia for Terry McAuliffe, who is seeking re-election to the governorship later this year.
Officials predicted that his speech will highlight the country’s efforts against the virus while also criticizing Republicans for standing in his way.
Democrats are battling to keep control of Congress in 2022, in elections that have traditionally gone against the president’s party. In recent weeks, Biden has been to numerous House battlegrounds, where Democrats are hoping to hold on to vulnerable districts or beat Republicans who won by a razor-thin margin last year.
So far, Biden’s only trip west has been to Texas, where he went in February to see the aftermath of catastrophic hurricanes. He hasn’t slept in a hotel in the United States and has limited his trip to states where he can return home at the end of the day.
The close proximity of the itineraries is owing in part to the epidemic, which restricted travel choices during Biden’s first months in office. However, like his predecessor, Biden has indicated a preference for going home at the end of the day.
Trump and Barack Obama had visited a comparable number of states at this time in their administrations: Trump had visited 15 states at the six-month mark, while Obama had visited 17. Trump, like Biden, stayed close to home in the first half of his presidency, barely going as far as Iowa. Obama had traveled farther afield, stopping in Colorado, New Mexico, Arizona, Nevada, and California on his way to the White House.
When compared to today
Biden’s frequent public comments on the epidemic are one thing the White House has no plans to change. Officials believe they have a dual purpose: reminding the population, especially when the Delta variety ravages unvaccinated areas, that the epidemic is still continuing, despite the administration’s efforts in providing vaccines.
But it’s also an area where Biden has regularly received good ratings in polls for his government’s efforts, despite the fact that success was not certain when he first took office, according to administration insiders.
It’s not a minor concern inside the White House, where officials worry that progress on the economic and public-health fronts will be forgotten or dismissed as new challenges or crises confront Biden — a natural occurrence for any president, but one that officials have pushed to avoid by repeatedly harking back to where the country was when he was inaugurated.
Officials say it’s what drives the top of most of Biden’s remarks: a conscious attempt to go back and forth between where things were and where they are now. It’s nearly routine at this point, but the detailed recaps are seen internally as a necessary public reminder as Biden enters a phase of his administration that is, in many respects, beyond his control.
The 100-day plans, the leveraging of underused or atrophied executive branch authority or powers to accelerate progress, and broad reviews to avoid decisive action on difficult problems are no longer in use.
In their place are shaky talks with fickle legislators and the tiniest of majorities, geopolitical powers continually probing and testing, and man-made and natural catastrophes waiting to strike.
“I really believe that, temperamentally, the President is thinking in terms of years and decades in a way that his predecessor was never even slightly capable of,” said presidential historian Jon Meacham, who has counseled Biden.
He remarked, “It’s interesting that we have a 78-year-old American President who believed his political career was over.” “Yet history and destiny have brought this guy back to attempt to handle a pandemic, a profound democratic problem, and what I believe is a trust crisis.”
The latest trump news cnn is a story about how the Biden and White House have been sharpening their strategy to confront epic challenges.
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